I keep reading or hearing that last month’s election result was the
worst for the Labour Party since 1935, and that the Party is in terminal
decline. Before this statement becomes
an established “fact”, I think a reality check would be in order.
Make no mistake. It
was a very bad result, and I would not wish to minimise it. But equally, amidst all the self-flagellation,
I don’t think we should exaggerate it.
I have extracted the table below from House of Commons
Library Briefing Paper Nr CBP7529 “UK
Election Statistics: 1918-2019: A Century of Elections” updated to include the
2019 election results from the BBC website. It shows the number of seats won by Labour compared with the Party's share of the vote in England, Scotland, Wales and Great Britain. I have picked out some key figures in red.
England
|
Scotland
|
Wales
|
Total GB
|
|||||
Year
|
Seats
|
%
|
Seats
|
%
|
Seats
|
%
|
Seats
|
%
|
2019
|
179
|
34.0
|
1
|
18.6
|
22
|
40.9
|
202
|
32.1
|
2017
|
227
|
41.9
|
7
|
27.1
|
28
|
48.9
|
262
|
41.0
|
2015
|
206
|
31.6
|
1
|
24.3
|
25
|
36.9
|
232
|
31.2
|
2010
|
191
|
28.1
|
41
|
42.0
|
26
|
36.2
|
258
|
29.7
|
2005
|
286
|
35.5
|
40
|
38.9
|
29
|
42.7
|
355
|
36.1
|
2001
|
323
|
41.4
|
55
|
43.3
|
34
|
48.6
|
413
|
42.0
|
1997
|
328
|
43.5
|
56
|
45.6
|
34
|
54.7
|
418
|
44.3
|
1992
|
195
|
33.9
|
49
|
39.0
|
27
|
49.5
|
271
|
35.2
|
1987
|
155
|
29.5
|
50
|
42.4
|
24
|
45.1
|
229
|
31.5
|
1983
|
148
|
26.9
|
41
|
35.1
|
20
|
37.5
|
209
|
28.3
|
1979
|
203
|
29.5
|
44
|
41.5
|
21
|
47.0
|
268
|
37.7
|
1974 Oct
|
255
|
40.1
|
41
|
36.3
|
23
|
49.5
|
319
|
40.2
|
1974 Feb
|
237
|
37.7
|
40
|
36.6
|
24
|
46.8
|
301
|
38.0
|
1970
|
216
|
43.2
|
44
|
44.5
|
27
|
51.6
|
287
|
43.8
|
1966
|
285
|
47.8
|
46
|
49.9
|
32
|
60.7
|
363
|
48.7
|
1964
|
246
|
43.5
|
43
|
48.7
|
28
|
57.8
|
317
|
44.8
|
1959
|
285
|
43.6
|
38
|
46.7
|
27
|
56.4
|
258
|
44.6
|
1955
|
216
|
46.8
|
34
|
46.7
|
27
|
57.6
|
277
|
47.4
|
1951
|
233
|
48.8
|
35
|
47.9
|
27
|
60.5
|
295
|
49.4
|
1950
|
251
|
46.1
|
37
|
46.2
|
27
|
58.1
|
315
|
46.8
|
1945
|
331
|
48.6
|
37
|
47.9
|
25
|
58.6
|
393
|
48.8
|
1935
|
116
|
38.6
|
20
|
37.2
|
18
|
45.4
|
154
|
37.8
|
1931
|
29
|
30.2
|
7
|
32.0
|
16
|
44.1
|
52
|
31.1
|
Sources: House of
Commons Library Briefing Paper Nr CBP7529
“UK Election Statistics: 1918-2019: A Century of Elections”
BBC website
What this shows is that the 2019 total of Labour seats in
Great Britain was indeed the lowest since 1935, and this is the figure that
Labour’s external and internal critics have fastened upon. However, if you look a bit deeper, the
picture is more complex.
In the first place, the number of seats won is not
proportional to vote share. Under the
First Past the Post system, much depends on whether a Party’s vote is
concentrated or evenly dispersed, so a better indication of the popularity of a
party is its vote share rather than seats won.
On this basis the vote share won by the Labour Party in
Great Britain in 2019, bad though it was, was actually larger than it was in
2015, 2010, 1987 and 1983.
The main reason why the number seats won by Labour dropped
in 2015 and the two subsequent elections was the collapse of the Party’s vote
in Scotland, which obviously was related to the nationalist upsurge. If we look at England alone, the number of
seats won by Labour in 2019 was greater than in 1987 or 1983.
The problem with exaggerating the scale of Labour’s defeat
is that the wrong conclusions may be drawn, and the baby thrown out with the
bathwater. The Party appears to have a special attachment to its so called “heartland”
seats in the North (former coalfield and post-industrial towns such as Mansfield,
Wakefield and Blyth) while not
celebrating its relative success over the past two decades in London, the big
cities and university towns (e.g. Sheffield Hallam, Cambridge and Canterbury).
Some have argued1 that this reflects a
profound social or demographic change, in which the old class-based politics
appears to be giving way to politics based on cultural values, lifestyles and level
of education. Many of Labour’s lost
voters in the “heartland” constituencies are socially conservative. They have not travelled widely abroad, speak
no foreign languages, have not been to university, have no or minimal contact with black, Asian or even
European people, don’t hold with gay marriage, and they respect the Queen.
If this theory is correct it would also help to explain both
the EU Referendum result and why the Labour vote dropped so much in the
Leave-voting areas. It was a vote for
traditional values and lifestyles, and against foreign influences (internationalism,
human rights, foreign bureaucrats). It
would also explain why Brexit was such a difficult issue for Labour to deal
with, and why it was such a crucial factor in Labour’s defeat.
But to return to my original point. The election result was bad, but not quite as bad as some have claimed. The Party
has recovered from worse disasters and could do so again.
1See David Goodhart (2017) The Road to Somewhere
© 2020
Robin Paice
Postscript:
Since writing the above, I have come across this article by Joe Lo, of Left Foot Forward:
https://leftfootforward.org/2020/02/how-each-constituencys-labour-vote-share-changed-under-corbyn/?mc_cid=ea883bd7f5&mc_eid=3807f119e5
It refers to a report that between 2015 and 2019, although Labour lost over 30 seats, it increased its vote share in 396 seats and reduced it in the remaining 234.
Since writing the above, I have come across this article by Joe Lo, of Left Foot Forward:
https://leftfootforward.org/2020/02/how-each-constituencys-labour-vote-share-changed-under-corbyn/?mc_cid=ea883bd7f5&mc_eid=3807f119e5
It refers to a report that between 2015 and 2019, although Labour lost over 30 seats, it increased its vote share in 396 seats and reduced it in the remaining 234.
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